1. William Byrd, Histories of the Dividing Line betwixt Virginia and North Carolina, edited by William K. Boyd (1929; reprint ed., New York: Dover Publications, 1967), p. 42. 2. Other New England cities that exported furniture to the South include Portsmouth, Newbury, Salem, New London, and Providence. Records of the Port of Roanoke, Iredell Collection, Southern Historical Collection, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill. 3. Larry Dale Gragg, Migration in Early America: The Virginia Quaker Experience (Ann Arbor, Mich.: UMI Research Press, 1980), p. 3. 4. For examples of Rhode Island venture cargo with North Carolina histories, see John Bivins, Jr., The Furniture of Coastal North Carolina, 1700–1820 (Winston-Salem, N.C.: Museum of Early Southern Decorative Arts, 1988), pp. 97, 100, 103. 5. Ibid., p. 100, fig. 4.9. 6. Gragg, Migration in Early America, pp. 52, 54, 90. 7. Ibid., p. 3. For information on the Joseph White family, see William Wade Hinshaw, Encyclopedia of American Quaker Genealogy, vol. 1 (Baltimore: Geneological Publishing Co., 1978). 8. Hinshaw, Encyclopedia of American Quaker Genealogy, 1:78. 9. Matthew W. Hobbs, “Complex Networks in Colonial Northeastern North Carolina” (M.A. thesis, University of Delaware, 1999), pp. 62–63, nts. 90, 91. 10. Ibid., p. 25; Bivins, The Furniture of Coastal North Carolina, p. 185. 11. Thomas was granted a certificate from the Isle of Wight Meeting to Perquimans Monthly Meeting in 1756 (Bivins, The Furniture of Coastal North Carolina, p. 185). In “Complex Networks,” p. 55, Hobbs notes that the tools may have been purchased as early as 1750. No conclusive evidence links this advertisement to Thomas White. 12. The author thanks Elizabeth Vann Moore for sharing her research on the Skinner family. 13. Hobbs, “Complex Networks,” pp. 41–46. 14. Thomas Newby Account Book, 1763–1768, Thomas Newby Papers, North Carolina Division of Archives and History, as cited in Hobbs, “Complex Networks,” p. 2. The valuations in Thomas Newby’s account book are in North Carolina currency. The desk would have represented about £6.7.0 sterling. Inventory of Thomas Newby, 1793, as cited in Hobbs, “Complex Networks,” Appendix A. Although Thomas’s inventory only lists a desk-and-bookcase, he may have given the desk to his son Exum, Sr., prior to 1793. Ibid., p. 60. 15. Bivins, The Furniture of Coastal North Carolina, pp. 185–202. White remained in Northampton County until his death in 1788. The exterior of White’s residence, taken down in 1932 and incorporated into what is now the Willow Oaks Country Club in Richmond, Virginia, is illustrated on p. 53. The interior of White’s house with the cupboard in situ is illustrated on p. 200. 16. Ibid., p. 61. 17. Ibid., pp. 201–2. Hobbs, “Complex Networks,” p. 51, Appendix B. Sanders appears to have been the son of Benjamin and Ann Sanders. 18. None of Sanders’s slaves are described as artisans. Bivins, The Furniture of Coastal North Carolina, p. 499. For the executors of Sanders’s will, see Hobbs, “Complex Networks,” p. 51. For more on cabinetmaker Charles Moore, see Bivins, The Furniture of Coastal North Carolina, p. 487. 19. Bivins, The Furniture of Coastal North Carolina, pp. 511–12. Sharrock also bought an “Iron Chear Clamp” for £1.10. 20. Ibid., p. 499. 21. Ibid. Inventory references to “Cherry Chair Backs” and other furniture components and forms indicate that cabinetmaking was the primary business of Sanders’s shop. 22. Bradford L. Rauschenberg, Charleston Furniture 1680–1820: The Cabinetmakers (Winston-Salem, N.C.: Museum of Early Southern Decorative Arts, forthcoming). The desk is illustrated and discussed in Ronald L. Hurst and Jonathan Prown, Southern Furniture 1680–1830 (New York: Harry N. Abrams for the Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, 1997), pp. 433–37. 23. Although previously unquestioned, the signature in the Goddard desk deserves examination. Rather than being written like the signatures in most Newport pieces, the inscription “John Goddard 1754” is incised. More importantly, these marks appear to be by a hand other than John Goddard. For a more convincing signature by Goddard, see the desk inscription and bill of sale illustrated in Michael Moses, Master Craftsmen of Newport: The Townsends and Goddards (Tenafly, N.J.: MMI Americana Press, 1984), p. 216. Differences between the incised and written signatures cannot be dismissed due to the fact that a pointed tool rather than a quill pen was used. Sliding prospect cases with pilaster drawers accessible from the rear occasionally are encountered in Philadelphia desks as well. 24. The base molding and feet of the desk shown in figure 11 were restored by Ned Hipp of Bethania, N.C. 25. Most desks made between New York and Charleston have mitered battens, including those from the southern Backcountry, a region influenced by styles from Philadelphia and other areas of the Delaware Valley. Planed cockbeading is an interesting anomaly in Anglo-American furniture. London case pieces often have cockbeaded drawers after the late 1720s. Similar beading also occurs on Charleston work by 1740 and on Philadelphia and New York furniture by 1750. Although a few Charleston and Norfolk, Virginia, pieces have planed beading on the case, these examples appear to have been made by artisans who emigrated from the Massachusetts Bay region. 26. The use of columns on the upper sections of Rhode Island double case forms may relate to the superimposition of orders in classical architecture. Such columns often are quite wide, much in the British manner. For Newport and Providence pieces with quarter-columns, see Rhode Island Historical Society, The John Brown House Loan Exhibition of Rhode Island Furniture (Providence: by the Society, 1965), pp. 83, 85. 27. For the Scott press, see Wallace B. Gusler, The Furniture of Williamsburg and Eastern Virginia, 1710–1790 (Richmond: The Virginia Museum, 1979), p. 49. Scott also carved volutes on some of his foot responds, a detail similar in concept to the scrolls on White’s feet. White mitered the backs of the protruding elements to fit the miters of the front foot faces. 28. Mitered drawer frames occur sporadically in furniture from southeastern Virginia and northeastern North Carolina. 29. For the Newport dressing tables with drawer arrangements similar to the White examples, see David B. Warren, Michael K. Brown, Elizabeth Ann Coleman, and Emily Ballew Neff, American Decorative Arts and Paintings in the Bayou Bend Collection (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press for the Museum of Fine Arts, Houston, 1998), p. 77, no. F126; and Moses, Master Craftsmen of Newport, p. 42. The latter dressing table has a fourth drawer at the top, which is full-width in the manner of a Newport high chest. 30. Scratch-beading also occurs on the skirts of New York dressing tables and high chests from the 1730s to 1760s. 31. Although most Newport case pieces have angular cabriole legs, several chairs from that town and a small group of French-influenced case pieces and tables attributed to John Goddard have rounded knees (see Philip Zea’s article in this volume). For Scott pieces with knee responds similar to White’s, see Hurst and Prown, Southern Furniture, p. 411; Gusler, The Furniture of Williamsburg and Eastern Virginia, p. 31; and John Bivins and Forsyth Alexander, The Regional Arts of the Early South (Winston-Salem, N.C.: Museum of Early Southern Decorative Arts, 1991), p. 32. Although Scott’s volutes curve like White’s, they are straight at the juncture with the leg stiles. One dressing table attributed to Williamsburg has a curved upper knee line, but its responds have relief-carved volutes that trail down the legs (Bivins and Alexander, The Regional Arts of the Early South, p. 34). 32. For the high chest in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, see Moses, Master Craftsmen of Newport, p. 193. 33. The feet of the dressing table have significant repairs but appear to have been correctly restored. Ronald L. Hurst, “Irish Influences on Cabinetmaking in Virginia’s Rappahannock River Basin,” in American Furniture, edited by Luke Beckerdite (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England for the Chipstone Foundation, 1997), pp. 170–95. 34. Philadelphia’s principal furniture export was Windsor chairs. This high chest of drawers is illustrated and discussed in Luke Beckerdite, “A Problem of Identification: Philadelphia and Baltimore Furniture Styles in the Eighteenth Century,” Journal of Early Southern Decorative Arts 12, no 1 (May 1986): 44–46. For more on the Skinner high chest and a related trifid-foot dressing table, see Luke Beckerdite, “An Identity Crisis: Philadelphia and Baltimore Furniture Styles of the Mid Eighteenth Century,” in Shaping a National Culture: The Philadelphia Experience, 1750–1800, edited by Catherine E. Hutchins (Wilmington, Del.: Winterthur Museum, 1994), pp. 254–58. The high chest has precisely the same history of ownership as the dressing table attributed to White (fig. 3). 35. The most noteworthy exception was Portsmouth, where “boxed” stretchers remained fashionable through the eighteenth century. 36. A 1930s view of John Duke’s house, with a brick wing evidently added by John Lawrence in the late 1780s, is illustrated in Bivins, The Furniture of Coastal North Carolina, p. 52. The Lawrences inherited the house (which still stands) upon Duke’s death. G. H. Baille, Watchmakers and Clockmakers of the World, 3d ed. (London: N.A.G. Press, 1966), p. 337. Webster worked until 1776. The dial spandrels and center finial are missing, and the rosettes are replacements. For clock cases with Wady movements, see Joseph Downs, American Furniture: Queen Anne and Chippendale Periods (New York: Macmillan, 1952), fig. 202; and Rhode Island Historical Society, The John Brown House Loan Exhibition, p. 123. 37. The feet of the Lawrence clock are miniature versions of those on White’s desks. 38. Rhode Island Historical Society, The John Brown House Loan Exhibition, p. 111. Although Sanders’s prospect cases are generally less finished in the back than those on White’s desks, Sanders’s approach to concealed storage is equally interesting. A mahogany desk attributed to Sanders has a prospect case with a beveled, vertically sliding back panel. All of the prospect cases in this group are largely made of red cedar. 39. The prospect door is missing. Sanders probably carved it to match the drawers behind it. 40. Museum of Early Southern Decorative Arts research file S-4427; the author has not examined this desk to determine if the feet are original. The desk with an interior similar to the one shown in fig. 38 is made of mahogany. It has plain Tuscan quarter-columns like those illustrated in fig. 42. 41. Thomas White’s shells are also set within plain arches. Some Boston valences also have cusped lower edges. 42. The bases of the pilasters are missing on the interior illustrated in fig. 41. 43. None of the pieces attributed to Sanders’s shop have drawer frames mitered at the top rear corners. Dustboards usually are no more than half the depth of the carcass, but they are full bottom. Some show a sinuous “waney” edge on the inside, the mark of a board left with the peripheral profile of the tree trunk. 44. This cupboard is illustrated in Bivins, The Furniture of Coastal North Carolina, p. 207.