1. As quoted in Leigh Keno, Joan Barzilay Freund, and Alan Miller, “The Very Pink of the Mode: Boston Georgian Chairs, Their Export, and Their Influence,” in American Furniture, edited by Luke Beckerdite (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England for the Chipstone Foundation, 1996), p. 295. Several early movements by Newport clockmakers William (1696–1749) and Thomas (fl.. ca. 1730–1797) Claggett, for example, have Boston cases (ibid., pp. 294, 305 nt. 53). For more on the export of Boston seating, see ibid., pp. 266–306; and Joan Barzilay Freund and Leigh Keno, “The Making and Marketing of Boston Seating in the Late Baroque Style,” in American Furniture, edited by Luke Beckerdite (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England for the Chipstone Foundation, 1998), pp. 1–40. 2. Jeanne Vibert Sloane, “John Cahoone and the Newport Furniture Industry,” in New England Furniture: Essays in Memory of Benno Forman (Boston: Society for the Preservation of New England Antiquities, 1987), pp. 93–95. The author is deeply indebted to Sloane for her insightful research on John Cahoone and Newport’s furniture export trade. 3. Ralph Carpenter, The Arts and Crafts of Newport, Rhode Island (Newport, R.I.: Preservation Society of Newport County, 1954), pp. 10–13. Margaretta M. Lovell, “Such Furniture As Will Be Most Profitable: The Business of Cabinetmaking in Eighteenth-Century Newport,” Winterthur Portfolio 26, no. 1 (spring 1991): 40–55. Lovell’s article is the best analysis to date of the cabinetmaking business in Newport. 4. André-Jacob Roubo, L’art du menuisier (Paris: L. F. Delatour, 1770). L’art du menuisier is part of a three-volume work titled Descriptions des arts et métiers. For more on English benches, see Peter Nicholson, Mechanical Exercises (London: J. Taylor, 1812). 5. Christopher Gilbert, The Life and Work of Thomas Chippendale (New York: Tabard Press, 1978), pp. 22–23. Helena Hayward and Pat Kirkham, William and John Linnell: Eighteenth-Century London Furniture Makers (New York: Rizzoli, 1980), pp. 168–80, appendix 3. 6. Lovell, “Such Furniture As Will Be Most Profitable,” p. 51 n. 28. 7. Charles F. Hummel, With Hammer in Hand (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia for the Winterthur Museum, 1968), pp. 6–7. 8. Wallace Gusler, Furniture of Williamsburg and Eastern Virginia, 1710–1790 (Richmond: Virginia Museum, 1979), pp. 61, 164. 9. Ibid., pp. 61–62. 10. Sloane, “John Cahoone and the Newport Furniture Industry,” pp. 92–95. Cahoone’s journeymen were Job Clark, James Searle, Jonathan Brier, Moses Norman, and Benjamin Tayre. 11. Thomas Elfe’s daybook, which is often erroneously described as an account book, is in the archives of the Charleston Library Society, Charleston, South Carolina. For an excellent analysis of Elfe’s daybook, see John Christian Kolbe, “Thomas Elfe, Eighteenth Century Charleston Cabinetmaker” (Master’s thesis, University of South Carolina, Columbia, 1980). For information on Pfeninger, see Thomas Elfe Daybook, account no. 63, May 8, 1772. The daybook also records payment on a bond in the amount of £51 from “Martin Refinge” in October, 1772. This was almost certainly a reference to Pfeninger (account no. 140). For more on Pfeninger, see J. Thomas Savage, “The Holmes-Edwards Library Bookcase and the Origins of the German School in Pre-Revolutionary Charleston,” in American Furniture, edited by Luke Beckerdite (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England for the Chipstone Foundation, 1997), pp. 106–26. 12. Sloane, “John Cahoone,” pp. 93–95, 122 n. 68. 13. Geoffery Beard and Christopher Gilbert, eds., Dictionary of English Furniture Makers, 1660–1840 (Leeds, Eng.: S. W. Maney and Son, Ltd., 1986), pp. 341–43. The Gillow’s manuscripts are owned by the Westminster City Council. Microform of the documents cited in this article are in the Winterthur Museum Library, Winterthur, Delaware. 14. 110 Estimate Book, 1776, p. 11. The designations and date given to the “estimate book” are confusing since the document more closely resembles a daybook (with sketches) and the entries are a decade earlier. The estimate book also has two sets of pagination. 15. Wallace B. Gusler, “Variations in 18th-Century Casework: Some ‘Old Masters’ Built Better Than Others,” in Fine Woodworking on Making Period Furniture, edited by John Kelsey (Newtown, Conn.: Taunton Press, 1985), pp. 16–18. 16. 110 Estimate Sketch Book 1776, p. 12. Seven hundred forty-four hours equals ten weeks and two days at twelve hours per day. Several projects moved through the shop during the time when the clothespress was being made. The Gillow firm paid John Pendleton £1.16 for making “6 Chairs for Mr. France all but Carving @ 6.” Since Pendleton received the standard journeyman’s wage of 1s 9d per day, his payment indicates a time investment of just over 20 1/2 days or a little less than 3 1/2 days or 40 hours per chair. The records allude to an outside carver taking and ornamenting the completed chair frames (110 Estimate Book, p. 12). 17. Lovell, “Such Furniture As Will Be Most Profitable,” pp. 50–51. 18. Sloane, “John Cahoone,” p. 93. 19. 110 Estimate Book, p. 11. It would have been necessary for the workmen to coordinate all these processes because the wood parts must be connected quickly. If not restrained, the newly leveled boards could distort with changes in the humidity. 20. If Askew did work on the cornice of the press, twenty-four hours of labor would have been sufficient to produce the fretwork. He is also listed as the major workman on several pieces. Askew’s salary may have been a function of his skill or his status as a senior journeyman. Another candidate for the position of senior journeyman was William Ormandy who received £1.18.0 for a “Commode [of the] Best Sort” on May 2, 1766. William Lupton’s pay of 1s 6d per day, John Sergeant’s salary of 1s 4d per day, and Joseph Foster’s 1s 3d per day are all below the 1s 9d standard for regular journeymen in the Gillow shop. None of these tradesmen are listed in the 1766 compilation of the shop workmen’s individual projects; however, Joseph Foster appears as journeyman in 1769, and William Lupton worked on an elaborate tea table about the same time. It is possible that both men were still in training. 110 Estimate Book 1776, pp. 1, 7. 21. Carpenter, Arts and Crafts of Newport, p. 13. 22. Ibid., pp. 10–13, 18–19. 23. 110 Estimate Book 1776, pp. 11–12. The Gillows occasionally hired specialists and farmed out work when their own shop was at full capacity. Christopher Sowers may have been an independent contractor. Although most of his work involved carving, he occasionally billed for materials. An entry in the estimate books credits him for carving four of Mr. France’s chairs in May 1766. Sowers’s other carving jobs included sculptural forms such as chair backs and “claws.” By contrast, Gillow carver John Thomlinson evidently concentrated on moldings and other repetitive work that could be done very quickly: John Thomlinson Carver By Carving the Edges of 2 Card Tables - abt 6 Mar 24ft Enrichments @ 11.6p ea. 1.3.0   By 2 card table feet @ 3s 0.6.0   By 36 ft. Ovolo @ 10p per ft. 1.10.0     2.19.0   By 1/2 a foot of carvg 0.1.6     3.0.6 24. Luke Beckerdite, “ The Early Furniture of Job and Christopher Townsend,” in American Furniture, edited by Luke Beckerdite (Hanover, N.H.: University of New England Press for the Chipstone Foundation, forthcoming). 25. Carpenter, Arts and Crafts of Newport, pp. 16–18. 26. Joseph Moxon, Mechanick Exercises or the Doctrine of Handy-Works (1703; reprint edition, Mendham, N.J.: Astragal Press, 1994), p. 67.