1. Although modern decorative arts scholars often criticize aesthetic studies such as Albert Sack’s Fine Points of Early American Furniture, which places objects under the categories of “good,” “better,” and “best,” this approach is not entirely without merit (Sack, Fine Points of Early American Furniture [New York: Crown Publishers, 1950]). The turned great chairs illustrated on p. 13 of Sack’s book are an excellent case in point. All were made in New England at approximately the same date, and all are from a predominantly Anglo-American cultural context. The turner who produced the chair identified as “best” was considerably more skilled than the makers of the “good” and “better” examples. Skill and workmanship have always been important considerations for consumers. Artisans who made things that were poorly designed or badly constructed rarely prospered in their trade (see Eleanore P. Gadsden, “When Good Cabinetmakers Made Bad Furniture: The Career and Work of David Evans,” in American Furniture, edited by Luke Beckerdite [Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England for the Chipstone Foundation, 2000], pp. 65–88). Sack’s assertion that a Rhode Island block-front chest with carved shells is better than a Massachusetts block-front without shells is not valid since the objects were made in different cities for patrons with different cultural backgrounds and tastes (Sack, Fine Points, p. 103). For more on Bernard and Jugiez, see Luke Beckerdite, “Philadelphia Carving Shops Part II: Bernard and Jugiez,” Antiques 128, no. 3 (September 1985): 498–513. 2. “In the Museums” in Antiques 65, no. 6 (June 1954): 498. Bill from Belfi Bros. to Pennsylvania Museum of Art, June 30, 1926, for “removing . . . top [from the lion table], repairing and furnishing new marble necessary [for repairs].” The Philadelphia Museum of Art paid for the restoration in exchange for the loan of the table from the Pennsylvania Hospital. In 1949 the hospital sold the table to Carl M. Williams who was acting as an agent for Lawrence J. Morris (James Sommers Smith to Fiske Kimball, November 10, 1949; and M. T. Wright Jr. to the Philadelphia Museum of Art, November 14, 1949). Joe Kindig Jr. apparently purchased the table from Morris’s estate and subsequently sold it to the Philadelphia Museum of Art (Accession file, Philadelphia Museum of Art). Philip B. Wallace, Colonial Houses: Philadelphia, Pre-Revolutionary Period (New York: Architectural Book Publishing Co., 1931), p. 157. Jack Lindsey et al., Worldly Goods: The Arts of Early Pennsylvania, 1680–1758 (Philadelphia: Philadelphia Museum of Art, 1999), p. 150. Lindsey does not cite a source for Crosby’s gift, and the authors have found no evidence that the table was in the Pennsylvania Hospital during the eighteenth century. 3. For more on the construction of the State House, see Edward M. Riley, “The Independence Hall Group,” Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 43, no. 1 (March 1953): 7–25; Beatrice Garvan, “The State House (Independence Hall),” in Philadelphia: Three Centuries of American Art (Philadelphia: Philadelphia Museum of Art, 1976), pp. 41–42. For Harding, see Luke Beckerdite, “An Identity Crisis: Philadelphia and Baltimore Furniture Styles of the Mid Eighteenth Century,” in Shaping a National Culture: The Philadelphia Experience, 1750–1800, edited by Catherine E. Hutchins (Winterthur, Del.: Winterthur Museum, 1994), pp. 250–75. In 1735 Philadelphia house joiner Edmund Wooley billed John Penn £5 for elevations and floor plans for the State House. Wooley was about ten years old when his family emigrated from England in 1705. Although his apprenticeship remains a mystery, both the form and detail of the State House attest to his knowledge of early-eighteenth-century British architectural styles. Engravings from Colin Campbell’s Vitruvius Britannicus and James Gibbs’s Book of Architecture (1728) are often cited as sources for his design, and both publications were available through the Library Company of Philadelphia (Garvan, “The State House,” pp. 41–42). Wooley’s training during the 1710s may account for the baroque aspect of certain exterior and interior details. The center hall has a heavy Doric entablature, fluted columns, and elliptical arches with raised panels and carved Indian heads. These details were probably installed about 1750, when the hall, Assembly Room, and Supreme Court Chamber were completed (Riley, “Independence Hall Group,” p. 17). 4. Riley, “Independence Hall Group,” p. 17. For case pieces with related appliqués, see Morrison H. Heckscher, American Furniture in the Metropolitan Museum of Art; II, Late Colonial Period: The Queen Anne and Chippendale Styles (New York: Random House, 1985), pp. 306–7, no. 198; Sack, Fine Points, p. 165 (center and bottom); and Beckerdite, “Identity Crisis,” p. 273, fig. 34. Wilkinson’s bill was submitted in 1756 and totaled £85.8.10. For more on the Wilkinsons, see R. Curt Chinnici, “Pennsylvania Clouded Limestone: Its Quarrying, Processing, and Use in the Stone Cutting, Furniture, and Architectural Trades,” in American Furniture, edited by Luke Beckerdite (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England for the Chipstone Foundation, 2002), pp. 107–9. 5. For a preconservation view of this desk-and-bookcase, see Sotheby’s, The Collection of Mrs. Lamont du Pont Copeland, New York, January 19, 2002, lot 43. Harding is described as an immigrant because there is no Philadelphia antecedent for his work. Michael I. Wilson, William Kent: Architect, Designer, Painter, Gardener, 1685–1748 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1984), p. 117, fig. 40. Kent used a similar shell for the headboard of a state bed at Hough­ton (p. 107, fig. 29). Harding’s vocabulary reflects his training, which presumably occurred in Britain during the 1720s and/or 1730s. Immigrant carver Henry Hardcastle, who worked in New York and Charleston during the 1750s, was the most skilled American exponent of this style. For more on him, see Luke Beckerdite, “Origins of the Rococo Style in New York Furniture and Interior Architecture,” in American Furniture, edited by Luke Beckerdite (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England for the Chipstone Foundation, 1993), pp. 15–39. 6. The high chest and dressing table by Quaker cabinetmakers Cliffton and Carteret are the earliest dated objects with carving attributed to Bernard. For more on these cabinetmakers, see Gadsden, “When Good Cabinetmakers Made Bad Furniture,” pp. 66–69. 7. The other sideboard tables are illustrated in Charles Hummel, A Winterthur Guide to American Chippendale Furniture: Middle Atlantic and Southern Colonies (New York: Crown Publishers for the Winterthur Museum, 1976), pl. 14; and Sotheby’s, Property from a Private West Coast Collection, New York, December 4, 2003, lot 59. The entire body of furniture carving attributed to Bernard is too large to cite. For important pieces not illustrated in this article, see Loan Exhibition of Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Century Furniture & Glass . . . for the Benefit of the National Council of Girl Scouts (1929; reprint, New York: By the Council, 1977), no. 651 (high chest); William Macpherson Hornor, Blue Book: Philadelphia Furniture from William Penn to George Washington (Philadelphia: By the author, 1935), pls. 76 (card table), 102 (chest-on-chest), 131 (sideboard table), 142 (dressing table), 153 (high chest base), 182 (high chest), 183 (dressing table), 185 (dressing table), 193–94 (desk-and-bookcase), 232 (side chair), 234 (card table), 336 (side chair); Eighteenth-Century American Arts: The M. and M. Karolik Collection (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, 1950), no. 83 (side chair); Joseph Downs, American Furniture, Queen Anne and Chippendale Periods in the Henry Francis du Pont Winterthur Museum (New York: Macmillan Co., 1952), pls. 37 (armchair), 126–28 (side chairs), 185 (chest-on-chest), 271 (settee), 360 (sideboard table); F. Lewis Hinckley, Dictionary of the Historic Cabinet Woods (New York: Bonanza Books, 1960), p. 123, fig. 119 (high chest); Hummel, A Winterthur Guide to American Chippendale Furniture, possibly no. 103; Patricia E. Kane, 300 Years of American Seating Furniture: Chairs and Beds from the Mabel Brady Garvan and Other Collections at Yale University (Boston: New York Graphic Society for Yale University Art Gallery, 1976), no. 114 (side chair); Heckscher, American Furniture in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, no. 51 (side chair); Christopher P. Monkhouse and Thomas S. Michie, American Furniture in Pendleton House (Providence: Rhode Island School of Design, 1986), no. 110 (side chair); J. Michael Flanigan, American Furniture from the Kaufman Collection (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 1986), pp. 24–25 (side chair), 26–27 (side chair), 86–89 (high chest and matching dressing table); Treasures of State: Fine and Decora­tive Arts in the Diplomatic Reception Rooms of the U.S. Department of State, edited by Alexandra W. Rollins (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1991), nos. 18 and 19 (high chest and dressing table shells, rail appliqué, and legs—all other carving modern), 31 (pair of side chairs), 68 (pillar-and-claw tea table); David Warren et al., American Decorative Arts and Paintings in the Bayou Bend Collection (Houston: Museum of Fine Arts, Houston, 1998), no. 119 (sideboard table, mate to fig. 25), no. 132 (high chest); Deborah Anne Federhen, “Poli­tics and Style: An Analysis of the Patrons and Products of Jonathan Gostelowe and Thomas Affleck,” in Hutchins, ed., Shaping a National Culture, p. 286, fig. 1 (chest-on-chest); Luke Beckerdite and Alan Miller, “Furniture Fakes in the Chipstone Collection,” in American Furniture, edited by Luke Beckerdite (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England for the Chipstone Foundation, 2002), pp. 81–82, figs. 55–57 (dressing table); Selections from the Collection of Vincent Dyckman Andrus (New York: Bernard & S. Dean Levy, 2004), cover, p. 22 (dressing table). 8. For preconservation views of the high chest and dressing table, see Sotheby’s, Highly Important Americana from the Collection of Stanley Paul Sax, New York, January 16–17, 1998, lot 522. 9. Beckerdite, “Philadelphia Carving Shops Part II.” Beckerdite’s attributions to Bernard and Jugiez are based on documented work, particularly the architectural carving their firm provided for Chief Justice Benjamin Chew’s house, Cliveden. Between January 5 and April 9, 1766, Bernard and Jugiez furnished Chew with twelve trusses and fourteen feet of egg-and-tongue molding valued at £7.18 (Cliveden—Building Materials—Repairs, Chew Family Papers, Historical Society of Pennsylvania [hereafter cited HSP], Philadelphia). This work survives in Cliveden. 10. Pennsylvania Gazette, November 25, 1762. 11. Jugiez took Robert Doughery as an apprentice for a term of four years on May 15, 1773, and Daniel Fegan as an apprentice for a term of seven years, eleven months, and twenty-three days on April 30, 1773. Records of indentures of individuals bound out as apprentices, servants, etc.: and of German and other redemptioners in the office of the Mayor of the city of Philadelphia, October 3, 1771 to October 5, 1773 (Baltimore: Genealogical Publishing Co., 1973), pp. 224–25, 218–19. Bernard may have continued to carve claw feet during his partnership with Jugiez. Formerly in the collection of John C. Toland, the high chest carved entirely by Jugiez is illustrated in Edgar G. Miller Jr., American Antique Furniture: A Book for Amateurs, 2 vols. (1937; reprint, New York: Dover, 1966), 1: 376, no. 660. The ornaments, rosettes, and finial shown on the Toland chest are new, and the backboards of the pediment are missing. The other high chest is in the collection of the Philadelphia Museum of Art. It is illustrated in Loan Exhibition of Eighteenth and Early Nineteenth Century Furniture & Glass . . . for the Benefit of the National Council of Girl Scouts, no. 658. Mabel M. Swan, “Boston’s Carvers and Joiners,” Antiques 53, no. 3 (March 1948): 201; Rita Susswein, “Pre-Revolutionary Furniture Makers of New York City,” Antiques 25, no. 1 (January 1934): 36; South Carolina Gazette, October 12, 1765. 12. Beckerdite, “Philadelphia Carving Shops Part II.” On August 4, 1771, Nicholas Bernard took a “note of hand for forty pounds payable in Six Months” from Randolph (Benjamin Randolph Receipt Book, 1763–1777). Thomas Affleck’s bill to John Cadwalader for furniture made between October 10, 1770, and January 14, 1771, includes charges of £37 to “Mr. [James] Reynolds for Carving the Above” and £24.4 to Bernard and Jugies “Ditto for Ditto.” This bill is illustrated in Nicholas B. Wainwright, Colonial Grandeur in Philadelphia: The House and Furniture of General John Cadwalader (Philadelphia: Historical Society of Pennsylvania, 1964), p. 44. A high chest by William Wayne has carving attributed to Jugiez (Beckerdite, “Philadelphia Carving Shops Part II,” pp. 508–10, figs. 20, 20a, 20b). 13. Thomas Sheraton, The Cabinet Dictionary, 2 vols. (1791; reprint, New York: Praeger Publishers, 1970), 1: 134. 14. For examples of the in-house carver’s work, see Heckscher, American Furniture in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, pp. 307–8, no. 199; and David Conradsen, Useful Beauty: Early American Decorative Arts from St. Louis Collections (St. Louis: St. Louis Museum of Art, 1999), pp. 80–81. A case from this same shop with carving attributed to the London immigrant carver John Pollard is illustrated in William H. Diston and Robert Bishop, The American Clock (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1976), pp. 20–21. Prices of Cabinet and Chair Work (Philadelphia: James Humphreys, 1772). The only known copy of this book is in the collection of the Philadelphia Museum of Art. 15. Several copies of this influential publication were in Philadelphia during the period. Bernard and Jugiez’s occasional client Thomas Affleck may have brought a copy of the Director to the city when he emigrated from London in 1763. His 1794 estate inventory listed “Shippendale’s Designs.” For more on Chippendale’s Director and its use in Philadelphia, see Morrison H. Heckscher, “English Furniture Pattern Books in Eighteenth-Century America,” in American Furniture, edited by Luke Beckerdite (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England for the Chipstone Foundation, 1994), pp. 185–88. 16. Beckerdite, “Philadelphia Carving Shops Part II,” pp. 500–502. 17. Abraham Swann, The British Architect (1758; reprint, London: Da Capo Press, 1967), pls. 4 (flower), 39 (bracket). The trusses of the chimneypiece in the first-floor parlor at Mount Pleasant appear to have been derived from those on the chimneypiece illustrated in pl. 50. Bernard and Jugiez also used similar trusses for a chimneypiece in Cliveden. 18. John Bivins Jr., “Isaac Zane and the Products of Marlboro Furnace,” Journal of Early Southern Decorative Arts 9, no. 1 (May 1985): 43–44. Bernard and Jugiez carved additional patterns for Zane. In March 1776 the ironmaster wrote Joseph Pemberton, “I should be glad to pay Bernard & Jugiez but I have not an exact account of the debt.” Bernard and Jugiez probably provided patterns for other furnaces. On June 22, 1772, Bernard acquired one-fifth interest in Martic Forge in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania (Beckerdite, “Philadelphia Carving Shops Part II,” p. 512). The following year Jugiez and a Philadelphia tallow chandler named John Jackson provided security for a loan of £222.15.8 to James Haldane, a brass founder and coppersmith who moved from Philadelphia to Norfolk, Virginia (Norfolk County Deed Book 26, p. 132a, microfilm copy in the Museum of Early Southern Decorative Arts, Winston-Salem, N.C.). 19. Beckerdite, “Philadelphia Carving Shops Part II,” pp. 510–11. 20. South Carolina Gazette, October 12, 1765. 21. The egg-and-tongue molding and fluted frieze of Lock’s design suggest that he drew it about 1740, when he was still influenced by Palladian classicism and only beginning to experiment with the new rococo style. Another Lock drawing of about the same date depicts a sideboard table that is more classically inspired. The base of a table from Ditchley House (Temple Newsam, Leeds Art Gallery) matches the latter drawing. For more on these designs, see Peter Ward-Jackson, English Furniture Designs of the Eighteenth Century (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1958), pp. 38–41. Helena Hayward and Pat Kirkham, William and John Linnell: Eighteenth-Century London Furniture Makers, 2 vols. (New York: Rizzoli in association with Christie’s, 1980), 1: 1–5. William Linnell’s accounts indicate that sculptural carving was part of his shop’s repertoire. On October 8, 1740, he charged Richard Hoare £11.11 for “making and carving” a pair of mahogany card tables, “with lions heads [and vines] on the knees,” paw feet, and a front rail with festoons and a “Bacchanalians head” (p. 141). Hayward and Kirkham speculated that John Linnell became the principal designer in the firm by the mid-1750s (p. 20). The drawing illustrated in figure 75 may have been executed at about that time. The strong similarities between the Linnell drawing and Jugiez’s table raise several questions. Did Jugiez work in Linnell’s shop before immigrating to Philadelphia? Were engraved designs based on this drawing available in England or her colonies? Was the Linnell drawing based on an existing table that either Jugiez or his patron saw in England? Although the names of all the journeymen and apprentices who worked for the Linnells are not known, Jugiez’s work differs significantly from carving documented and attributed to their firm, or any other London shop, for that matter. No engraved furniture designs by William or John Linnell are known, nor is there any evidence in the historical record that they issued them. John Linnell did, however, produce conceptual drawings for his patrons and working drawings for journeymen and apprentices. Most of Linnell’s drawings were original designs, but some may have been copied or inspired by existing forms. If the drawing was based on an existing object, it would help explain why their firm was producing outdated furniture in the mid-1750s. Patrons occasionally commissioned old-fashioned furniture to fill in existing suites or replace damaged objects. The Linnells produced furniture and architectural ornaments with lion’s heads. On July 15, 1758, William charged the earl of Coventry £4.16 “for wood and joyners work to get out a chimney and carving the same very neat by drawing in the French taste with lions faces in the frieze £4.16.0” (ibid., p. 149). 22. Obviously, the production of the lion table required substantial patronage. It is easy to imagine it sitting in an important public building with a coat of arms suspended on the wall above or in the house of a wealthy Philadelphian who had seen a similar table while on the grand tour. Philadelphia merchant John Cadwalader and his wife Elizabeth (Lloyd) owned a marble-top table comparable to the one carved by Jugiez. The Cadwaladers’ table has elements taken from two designs in Chippendale’s Director, and its carving is attributed to John Pollard, an immigrant who worked for Benjamin Randolph before establishing his own shop. For more on this table, see Leroy Graves and Luke Beckerdite, “New Insights on John Cadwalader’s Commode-Seat Side Chairs,” in American Furniture, edited by Luke Beckerdite (Hanover, N.H.: University Press of New England for the Chipstone Foundation, 2000), pp. 159–60. 23. Between 1797 and 1799 Jugiez supplied the Scamozzi Ionic capitals for pillars in the rotunda of the Pennsylvania Hospital (Beatrice B. Garvan, “Pennsylvania Hospital,” in Philadelphia: Three Centuries of American Art, p. 64).