Dennis Andrew Carr
The Account Book of Benjamin Baker
Until recently, Benjamin Baker's (ca. 17351822) exploits as an
eighteenth-century Newport cabinetmaker were unknown even to the institution
that now owns his account book. In a letter written to the Newport Historical
Society in 1940, Antiques editor Alice Winchester reported that a descendant
of Baker owned one of a set of six chairs that had come down in his family.
Although the chair had been attributed to the later Newport cabinetmaker
Thomas Goddard (17651858), Winchester asked if it could have been
made by Baker. The society replied that the historical records concerning
Baker's role in the cabinetmaking trade were unclear, leading Winchester
to respond that "there seems to be little indication that he was
himself a cabinetmaker, and it may well be that he really had nothing
to do with making the so-called Goddard chair." Had the society been
aware of the contents of Baker's account book, the organization would
almost certainly have replied that he was a cabinetmaker who produced
a significant number of chairs.1
Regardless of the chair's current location or rightful attribution, this
oft-told story has become a parable for the study of early Rhode Island
furniture. Indeed, the field has become so obsessed with cabinetmakers
from the Goddard and Townsend families that it has minimized the important
contributions made by other Newport craftsmen and their contemporaries
working throughout the Narragansett Bay region. More than five hundred
cabinetmakers, joiners, turners, chair makers, and allied craftsmen were
active there during the colonial period. Although most left little evidence
of their lives and careers, Baker's activities are detailed in his account
book and manifest in a small but revealing group of furniture. As a result,
he is one of the most thoroughly documented cabinetmakers active in eighteenth-century
Newport.
Baker's account book records his work as a cabinetmaker from 1760 to 1792.
It lists an impressive array of forms, which range from simple pine bookcases
and chests to expensive mahogany and black walnut chair frames, bureau
tables, cases of drawers, clock cases, desks, fly tables, twilight tables,
drop-leaf tables, and teaboards. Baker's patrons comprised the wealthiest
segment of Newport's merchant class as well as local craftsmen and members
of his own family. Baker also did piecework at various times for other
Newport cabinetmakers that included turning pillars and constructing joints
for tables. His accounts show him to be a prolific and versatile craftsman
who pursued various woodworking activities such as house and ship carpentry.
His most active period as a furniture maker was from the 1760s through
the mid-1770s. During Newport's subsequent economic decline in the late
eighteenth century Baker relied more heavily on day labor and odd jobs
for income (see table 1).
Previous studies of Newport cabinetmakers have broadened our understanding
of the furniture-making trade prior to the American Revolution. Jeanne
Vibert Sloane's groundbreaking examination of the accounts of John Cahoone
(ca. 17251792) demonstrated that trade in venture cargo was vital
to Newport's economy and that the town's cabinetmakers and merchants were
able to challenge their competitors in other New England cities. Between
1750 and 1759 Cahoone focused his production on plain, standardized forms,
such as desks and tables, intended for the export market, rather than
on high-style furniture for local consumption. Martha Willoughby's analysis
of the surviving ledger (17501759) and daybook (17621778)
maintained by Job Townsend Jr. (17261778) and his son Job E. (17581829)
reveals a similar pattern. Like many other urban tradesmen, the Townsends
maximized their income by specializing in a limited range of forms, primarily
tables and desks. By comparison, Baker's accounts prior to the Revolution
reveal that he had a smaller shop and produced less furniture in general.
He appears to have achieved success by making limited quantities of "plain"
furniture appropriate for local patrons and consumers in export markets.2
During the period covered by his account book, Baker produced 128 chairs,
21 case pieces, 21 tables, 8 stands, 6 teaboards, and smaller numbers
of other objects. Although he made chairs in sets, the number of orders
for seating (20) was greater than those for any other furniture form.
Of the seating forms, 122 were side chairs (62 mahogany, 40 maple, and
20 black walnut), 4 were mahogany close stools, and 2 were mahogany corner
or roundabout chairs. For side chairs, he charged as little as £14
for maple and between £32 and £56 for mahogany examples.
More than any other known Newport cabinetmaker, Baker specialized in chairs,
particularly during the earliest years of his career. Willoughby's analysis
of Job Townsend Jr.'s account books for the years 1762 to 1776 shows a
similar specialization in tables, which amounted to approximately half
of his credit income, followed by desks (20%), teaboards (6.6%), and seating
furniture (4.8%). Sloane posits that for most Newport cabinetmakers specialization
reflected the demand of export markets. In the case of John Cahoone, his
specialization in desks and tables during the period 17501759 matched
demand in specific American ports during those years. Although insufficient
evidence survives to compile accurate shipping records prior to 1769,
the Imports and Exports Ledger kept by the British colonial government
provides counts of total recorded furniture exports from Rhode Island
between the years 1769 and 1772. Anne Rogers Haley's research into these
records dramatically alters the perception of Newport's exports during
these years. On average, Rhode Island shipped 512 chairs per year to its
export markets (coastal trade and the West Indies) as compared to 217
desks and other case forms and 110 tables. Baker's production totals,
although somewhat earlier in the 1760s when the British shipping records
are less complete, fall more in line with this total market demand.3
The gradual "rediscovery" of Baker's career and work has been
serendipitous. The high chest illustrated in figure 1 was attributed to
John Goddard (17231785) when it sold at Parke-Bernet Galleries in
1971. According to oral tradition, Goddard made the piece for a member
of the Lyman Hazard family of Peacedale, Rhode Island. Fortunately, Baker's
name was subsequently found, written upside down on the back of the lower
case (fig. 2).4
The writing is similar to that in Baker's account book (see figs. 3, 4),
but his role in the construction of the high chest remains unclear. In
many respects, the piece is more typical of examples associated with other
Newport cabinetmakers, particularly John Townsend (17321809). The
stylized leaf carving on the knees and fleur-de-lis element of the shell
on the skirt (fig. 5) have parallels on two other high chests, including
one signed and dated by Townsend (figs. 6, 7). Several explanations for
Baker's inscription exist. No high chests are listed in his account book,
but it is still plausible that he made this example using components purchased
from Townsend. Newport case furniture was particularly well suited for
piecework, which gave the city's cabinetmakers a competitive edge in the
export market. Alternatively, Townsend could have commissioned Baker to
make the carcass and had the carving and finish details completed in his
shop. Newport cabinetmakers occasionally collaborated on projects. For
example, Job Townsend Jr. and his brother Edmund made a desk for Nicholas
Anderrese in 1767. It is also possible that Baker simply repaired a high
chest made by John Townsend and wrote his name on the back when the job
was completed.5
Baker's account book does indicate that he had a professional relationship
with John Townsend after the Revolution. From May to June 1782 Baker recorded
charges to Townsend for making twenty-two mahogany chair frames, repairing
a mahogany chair, working on coffins, and making a counter and a shelf for
the shop (see fig. 4). By that time, Baker had lived near Townsend for
at least eighteen years. The former's house and shop was located on lot
93 at Easton's Point, an area with a large population of tradesmen.6
The signature on the dressing table illustrated in figure 8 is much less
ambiguous than that on the high chest. Written in chalk on the back of
the front skirt, the inscription reads "-enjamin Baker / he mad it"
(fig. 9). Baker signed the mahogany board before it was cut, then inserted
the word "it" above the joint where the drawer supports meet
the front.7
This dressing table may be the "Low Draws" for which Baker debited
Newport goldsmith Jonathan Otis £75 on July 3, 1764. The same order also
included eight maple chair frames and one maple tea table. Otis was a
frequent customer, purchasing a mahogany "fly table" in November
1762 and a mahogany dining table in January 1766.8
The dressing table is a relatively plain example of Newport work, with
undecorated cabriole legs, pad feet, and a simple eleven-lobed shell surrounded
by an incised line (fig. 10). Visually, the darker variety of mahogany
used for the legs, leg facings, and drawer fronts contrasts with the lighter
mahogany of the skirt that they frame and punctuate. This use of contrasting
shades of mahogany occasionally occurs on other examples of Newport furniture,
including another object made by Baker. Unlike the high chest illustrated
in figure 1, the dressing table has construction details that deviate
from John Townsend's early work. The long, horizontal drawer blade dovetailed
to sides of the case creates a jarring visual break above the shell, whereas
in most Newport dressing tables the skirt is rabbeted over the front of
the drawer blade. Another unusual feature is the use of a toothing plane
to level the backs of the drawer fronts. These characteristics may allow
future furniture scholars to identify other examples of Baker's work.
Baker's account book indicates that he also did contract work for craftsmen.
On August 3, 1772, he made for Newport clockmaker Thomas Claggett (ca.
17301797) a mahogany case valued at £140 (fig. 11). This last entry
probably refers to the mahogany tall clock case illustrated in figure
12. Once part of the J. Chaney Wells collection, this clock has a handwritten
paper label on the inside of the door that reads "Made and Sold By
Benjamin Baker In Newport 1772" (fig. 13). Like the aforementioned
dressing table, the clock case's visual appeal comes from its clean lines
and contrasting mahogany primary woods. A note signed by Claggett remains
with the clock. Dated December 30, 1772, it states: "Thomas Claggett
Do Warrant a Clock to Abraham Brown to be A good Clock if she Dues not
prove So I promis to Pay the money back to sd Brown whis is fifty six
dollars & on[e] quarter Witness my hand Thomas Claggett." Although
Baker made mahogany clock cases for Caleb Allen in 1765 and Isaac Eleazer
in 1766, no others are listed in his account book in 1772.9
Most studies of colonial Rhode Island cabinetmaking have focused on ornate
tables and block-and-shell-carved furniture presumably made for local
consumption or simpler wares produced for the export market. The vast
majority of surviving furniture is relatively plain, but there is less
of a dichotomy between these two levels of production than traditional
scholarship suggests. The dressing table and clock case made by Baker
indicate that plain work had currency at a certain level of the Rhode
Island market. During his career, Baker produced more expensive mahogany
furniture, including a "full hed desk" and a bureau table for
approximately £300 each. As was probably the case with many of his competitors,
Baker's production varied greatly as he endeavored to accommodate the
tastes and needs of a diverse clientele.10
Despite the survival of Baker's account book and signed work, surprisingly
little is known about his personal life. His birthplace, date of birth,
and parents' names remain a mystery. Baker married Martha Simpson (ca.
17351815) in Newport on January 28, 1759. She and their children
Susan, John, and William are listed in his account book, as are Baker's
sons-in-law Henry Howland and shipwright Henry Goddard, who married another
daughter, Ellenor. In 1764 Baker entered a suit in the Newport County
Court of Common Pleas for twenty-five shillings rent due on a dwelling
house and lot known as number 93 on Easton's Point (fig. 14). In the case,
which was appealed all the way to the Newport County Supreme Court of
May 1765, Baker was listed as a "cabinet maker." In 1821 the
widower Baker bequeathed the property to his daughter Ellenor, whose husband
acted as the executor of his estate.11
Like other Newport cabinetmakers of his era, Baker engaged in the furniture
export trade. In the December 8, 1849, issue of the Newport Daily Advertiser,
historian Thomas Hornsby noted:
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All the cabinetmakers on Bridge and Washington Streets, employed a large
number of hands, manufacturing furniture, for which a ready market was
found in New York and the West Indies. The stores of David Huntington
and Benjamin Baker were also on the Point; both these men were extensively
engaged in manufacturing furniture, which they shipped to New York, and
the West Indies. |
Baker's location on Elm Street gave him easy access to the wharfs that
lined Newport's western harbor. Although no other records allude to Baker's
role in the export trade, entries in his account book mention "casing"
furniture. Baker made cases for a mahogany card table and chest of drawers
for silversmith Samuel Brenton in 1762, two red cedar desks and a maple
desk for William and Joseph Wanton in 1764 and 1766, two maple desks for
Aaron Lopez in 1771, and a bureau table and six mahogany stands for Myer
Pollack in 1774 and 1775. Other than Brenton, all of these patrons were
merchants engaged in the venture cargo trade. Although the furniture listed
in these entries is typical of that shipped from Newport to the other
American colonies and the West Indies, the relatively small number of
orders cannot account for the renown Baker achieved as an exporter. His
reputation may have emanated from his credit accounts with this group
of merchants, which listed many pieces of furniture Baker purchased, presumably
from other Newport makers.12
With the exception of one "nest of drawers" made for Dr. Knowles,
Baker's work after the Revolution was exclusively for other cabinetmakers:
John Townsend, Walter Nichols (17481823), and Eleazer Trevett (1715ca.
1804). In 1786 Baker supplied Nichols with three bureaus (or desks) for
a total of £9.18. He also charged him for "helping on [a] Bed sted,"
making components for a clock case, and turning two pillars. The pillars
must have been for fly tables since Baker included a charge for setting
in the legs. For Trevett, who was also active in the venture cargo trade,
Baker made nine pairs of joints, or hinges, for the rails of tables and
a set of turned legs. The reason for the latter's shift from making furniture
to producing piecework is unknown; it may have been motivated by Newport's
precipitous economic decline after the Revolutionary War or personal reasons.
During this period Baker also began to rely more heavily on day labor
and ship carpentry for income, as indicated by his debits to Captain Moore
of the brigand Hope and Captain Joseph Garner of the sloop Salley,
both in 1783. Baker's last entry for furniture lists a teaboard he sold
to William Potter in March 1792. The following month Baker began renting
a room at the home of merchant Simeon Martin on Thames Street. The Rhode-Island
Republican records his last residence "at the home of the widow
Helme, near the North Battery." Baker died on Sunday, January 6,
1822, at the age of eighty-seven.13
Baker's later history is typical of other Newport cabinetmakers forced
to pursue odd jobs that took advantage of their woodworking skills during
the last two decades of the eighteenth century. His career as a shop joiner
or cabinetmaker before the Revolution, however, gives insight into the
Newport furniture-making trade at its height, when the cabinetmaking shops
on the Point bustled with activity and their wares reached distant markets
along the Atlantic seaboard and into the Caribbean. Baker's "plain"
style was well suited to the export market and met the demands of local
consumers who were either unable or unwilling to purchase more elaborate
forms. His documented dressing table and clock case represent a very limited
sampling of the overall production of his shop as compared with his much
larger output of chairs, tables, and desks during the same period. Tantalizing
suggestions of other surviving examples of Baker's furniture as well as
gaps in his biography hold promise for further discoveries about this
largely overlooked Newport cabinetmaker.
acknowledgments For their kind assistance with this article, the author
thanks John Bartosh, Edward S. Cooke Jr., Erik Gronning, Anne Rogers Haley,
Patricia E. Kane, Rebecca Kelly, Bert Lippincott, Michele Musto, Ron Potvin,
Pieter Roos, Adams Taylor, Martha Willoughby, and Joan Youngken.
Appendix
This appendix is formatted to be a companion to Martha Willoughby's transcription
of the account book of Job Townsend Jr. published in the 1999 volume of
American Furniture. Baker's account book is not complete owing to missing
pages. No record of his furniture production exists for the years 17671769.
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